Así entrenó EE. UU. a dictadores y asesinos de Latinoamérica

The Infamous School of the Americas: A History of Violence

Introduction to the School of the Americas

• The video introduces the Escuela de las Américas, also known as the 'School of Assassins,' highlighting its role in training many brutal dictators and human rights violators in Latin America.

• Notable figures such as Efraín Ríos (Guatemala), Leopoldo Galtieri (Argentina), and Manuel Antonio Noriega (Panama) are mentioned as graduates from this institution.

The Jesuit Massacre at UCA

• On November 16, 1989, an elite Salvadoran army squad, Batallón Atlacatl, attacked the residence of Jesuits at Universidad Centroamericana (UCA), aiming to assassinate rector Ignacio Ellacuría.

• The military viewed Ellacuría as a leftist guerrilla leader; they executed him along with five other priests and two women to eliminate witnesses.

Cover-Up and Investigation

• To cover up their crime, soldiers fired weapons at the building and falsely blamed FMLN rebels for the massacre.

• Investigations by a U.S. Congressional committee and a UN Truth Commission revealed that most Salvadoran military personnel involved were trained at SOA.

Patterns of Violence in Latin America

• The events at UCA exemplified a broader pattern of violence across Latin America linked back to Fort Benning's training programs.

• The massacre catalyzed grassroots movements like SOA Watch, emphasizing connections between military training and real-world violence.

Historical Context and Legacy

• Established in 1946 within U.S.-controlled Panama, SOA aimed to consolidate American military influence post-WWII through specific ideologies like National Security Doctrine.

• Despite changing its name to WHINSEC in 2001 due to public pressure, critics argue it did not address its core mission or unaltered legacy.

Evolution of Training Programs

• Initially named Centro de Entrenamiento Latinoamericano – División de Tierra, it underwent several name changes before becoming known as Escuela de las Américas in 1963.

• Officially focused on standardizing military practices among Latin American forces while countering European influence pre-WWII.

Conclusion: Strategic Implications

• While presented as technical education for military support roles, SOA's establishment was fundamentally about reinforcing U.S. strategic interests in what was perceived as its "backyard."

The Strategic Importance of a Unified Latin America

The Role of the U.S. in Latin American Military Training

• The military conflict highlighted the strategic necessity for a unified continent to ensure U.S. security, leading to the establishment of a centralized training center directed by the U.S. and conducted in Spanish.

• This initiative formalized a paternalistic relationship where the U.S. Army set 'professionalism' standards for all Latin American armies, consolidating soft power in the region.

• The origins of this school were framed as cooperative but were fundamentally acts of power consolidation, laying groundwork for future interventions.

Impact of the Cuban Revolution on U.S.-Latin America Relations

• The 1959 Cuban Revolution marked a turning point, reshaping U.S. foreign policy and altering the mission of the School of the Americas (SOA).

• In response to fears about communism, President Kennedy expanded SOA's curriculum to include counterinsurgency tactics and psychological operations.

• This transformation shifted SOA from technical training to an institution focused on combating internal subversion.

Counterinsurgency Strategy and National Security Doctrine

• The shift was part of a broader hemispheric strategy; direct military intervention was seen as costly and politically risky compared to training local armies as proxies.

• The core ideology taught at SOA became centered around National Security Doctrine (NSD), redefining military roles from defense against external threats to internal repression against perceived enemies.

Justification for Repression Under National Security Doctrine

• NSD provided intellectual justification for militaries to act against citizens deemed threats, including political opponents and social movements.

• Political scientist J. Patrice McSherry noted that this doctrine legitimized military control over states by portraying civilian institutions as corrupt or weak.

Consequences and Revelations About SOA Practices

• Research revealed how Guatemalan officers internalized these doctrines, viewing themselves as protectors above law and civil politics.

• Activists have long accused SOA of teaching torture methods; these claims gained traction when declassified manuals showed explicit instructions aligning with state terrorism practices.

• In 1996, under public pressure, seven training manuals were declassified, confirming that atrocities committed by graduates reflected institutional teachings rather than isolated incidents.

The Use of Coercive Tactics in Military Training

Coercive Techniques Advocated

• Discussion on the endorsement of torture, extortion, and illegal detentions as part of military training practices.

• Reference to CIA manuals from the 1960s and 1980s detailing coercive techniques aimed at breaking detainees' will through sleep deprivation, isolation, and fear.

• Pentagon's defense claiming that only a few passages were mistakenly included in training manuals, which contradicts evidence of systematic teaching.

Historical Context and Criticism

• Evidence suggests that these manuals were approved by superiors, indicating a long-standing doctrine rather than isolated errors.

• Noam Chomsky's critique labeling the School of the Americas as a tool for U.S. foreign policy to impose control over Latin America through military training.

Impact on Human Rights

• Chomsky argues that the school has trained soldiers in methods leading to human rights violations against their own populations.

• Graduates have been implicated in severe atrocities across Latin America, highlighting a troubling legacy linked to dictatorial regimes.

The Legacy of Violence: Archbishop Óscar Romero

Role of Archbishop Romero

• Mention of UN's Truth Commission citing SOA graduates for human rights abuses, including those responsible for Romero’s assassination.

• Overview of Romero’s advocacy for human rights amidst brutal repression by military governments during the 1970s.

Final Homily and Assassination

• Details about Romero’s last homily urging soldiers to disobey immoral orders; his call was seen as insubordination leading to his murder.

Assassination of Archbishop Romero

Context and Execution of the Assassination

• The assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero was premeditated, occurring the day after a significant homily at the Hospital de la Divina Providencia, where he lived. He was killed while officiating mass during the offertory.

• A sniper fired a single high-velocity .22 caliber bullet from a red Volkswagen parked 25 to 30 meters away, striking Romero in the heart and causing almost instant death.

• For years, this crime went unpunished until the Truth Commission for El Salvador identified Major Roberto D'Aubuisson as the mastermind behind the assassination. D'Aubuisson was a notable figure in far-right politics and had ties to death squads.

Implications of Romero's Death

• The murder shocked the world and marked the beginning of El Salvador's brutal civil war (1980-1992), turning Romero into a martyr for justice. He was canonized by Pope Francis in 2018.

• The correlation between attendance at military training schools like SOA and leadership roles in regimes responsible for atrocities is evident, with many leaders linked to severe human rights violations.

Military Regimes and Atrocities

Notable Figures Trained at SOA

• In Argentina, military junta leaders such as Leopoldo Galtieri and Roberto Viola were confirmed graduates of SOA, responsible for state terrorism during their rule from 1976 to 1983.

• General Jorge Rafael Videla’s attendance at SOA is debated; however, his regime led to thousands of disappearances and systematic torture under campaigns like "Dirty War" and Operation Condor.

Impact on Latin America

• In Bolivia, General Hugo Banzer Suárez took power through a coup in 1971 after training at SOA; his dictatorship resulted in widespread political repression.

• Chilean secret police heads during Pinochet's regime were also SOA graduates. They oversaw systematic torture and killings as part of Operation Condor.

The El Mozote Massacre

Overview of Events

• Colonel Domingo Monterrosa, another SOA graduate, commanded troops during the El Mozote massacre (December 10–13, 1981), one of Latin America's largest atrocities.

Details of the Massacre

• Soldiers rounded up villagers under false pretenses before separating men from women and children. Men were interrogated and executed while women faced sexual violence before being killed.

Aftermath

• Children were also murdered; estimates suggest over 978 people died in total during this operation across several villages. This event exemplifies extreme violence against civilians amid military operations aimed at eradicating guerrilla support.

El Mozote and the Denial of Massacres

The Aftermath of El Mozote

• Despite the courageous testimony of survivor Rufina Amaya and international journalists' reports, both the Salvadoran government and the Reagan administration denied the El Mozote massacre, labeling it as "exaggeration" and guerrilla propaganda.

• It wasn't until the signing of peace agreements that a UN Truth Commission investigated these events. Forensic exhumations in 1992 confirmed mass killings, particularly of children at a convent.

• The Commission's report published in 1993 concluded that there was a deliberate massacre against civilians by armed forces. This case remained unpunished for decades due to an Amnesty Law but was reopened in 2016 after its declaration as unconstitutional.

Accountability and Impunity

• Several high-ranking military officials have been prosecuted since then; however, Lieutenant Colonel Domingo Monterrosa, viewed by some as a national hero for fighting against FMLN communism, was never tried for this massacre before his death in 1984 under suspicious circumstances.

Genocide During Guatemala's Civil War

Key Figures in Genocidal Actions

• During Guatemala's Civil War (1960-1996), acts of genocide were committed against the Maya Ixil people, resulting in over 200,000 deaths predominantly among indigenous populations.

• Two presidents oversaw this brutal phase: General Romeo Lucas García (1978-1982) and General Efraín Ríos Montt (1982-1983). Ríos Montt received training under U.S.-backed counterinsurgency doctrines.

Military Strategies Employed

• General Héctor Gramajo, Minister of Defense from 1987 to 1990 and SOA graduate, developed a pacification plan based on “beans and rifles,” emphasizing civic action over military force to win civilian loyalty while still pursuing insurgents militarily.

• Gramajo believed that winning hearts and minds required significant civic efforts (70%) alongside military actions (30%), which led to continued massacres but with more sophisticated methods than previous "scorched earth" policies.

Legal Consequences for Military Leaders

Trials and Impunity

• In Guatemala, Gramajo enjoyed total impunity like many military leaders responsible for war crimes. Although Ríos Montt faced a historic genocide conviction in 2013, it was quickly annulled.

International Legal Proceedings

• In contrast to his impunity at home, Gramajo faced legal action in the United States after being sued during his time at Harvard University by Guatemalan citizens and American nun Dianna Ortiz who had suffered severe torture while working with survivors.

Dianna Ortiz’s Harrowing Experience

Torture Details

• Dianna Ortiz was kidnapped and tortured by Guatemalan forces due to suspicions about her foreign religious work. She endured horrific treatment including burns from cigarettes leading to over 111 marks on her back within just one day of captivity.

Controversy Surrounding Her Captors

• During her ordeal, she claimed one captor identified himself as an American named Alejandro who intervened on her behalf but later fled when given an opportunity. His presence raised significant controversy regarding U.S. involvement or complicity in such atrocities.

Guatemalan Human Rights Violations and U.S. Involvement

Testimony of Dianna Ortiz and U.S. Collaboration

• The testimony of Dianna Ortiz is viewed as evidence of U.S. collaboration with the Guatemalan state, involving military funding, training, and torture techniques.

• Official denials from both the Guatemalan and U.S. governments attempted to discredit Ortiz's claims, with local media echoing these narratives by questioning her credibility.

Legal Consequences for General Gramajo

• After returning to Guatemala post-graduation in 1992, General Héctor Gramajo was found liable in a U.S. civil court for overseeing a campaign of terror that included torture and extrajudicial killings.

• Despite being ordered to pay $47.5 million in damages, Gramajo faced no effective punishment or financial repercussions due to his return to Guatemala.

Political Aspirations Amidst Accountability

• Seven months after being declared responsible for human rights violations by a U.S. court, Gramajo ran for the presidency in Guatemala but did not achieve significant electoral success.

The Legacy of the School of the Americas (SOA)

• Dianna Ortiz described the SOA as reminiscent of a "huge torture chamber," highlighting its role in training individuals who later committed severe human rights abuses.

Case Study: Manuel Noriega's Regime

• General Manuel Antonio Noriega, a SOA graduate and CIA collaborator, ruled Panama from 1983 to 1989; his regime was marked by selective repression rather than mass atrocities against civilians.

Albrook Massacre and Military Coup Attempt

• On October 3, 1989, Major Moisés Giroldi led an unsuccessful coup against Noriega due to professional discontent and patriotism; he was executed along with other officers following the failed attempt.

Death Squad Activities: Battalion 316

• The Honduran death squad Battalion 316 was responsible for numerous human rights violations during the 1980s under General Gustavo Álvarez Martínez’s command; it targeted political opponents through forced disappearances and torture.

Conclusion on State Terrorism

• General Álvarez Martínez met a violent end in 1989 when he was assassinated while driving; this reflects the turbulent legacy of state terrorism during his leadership in Honduras.

The Legacy of Military Training and Human Rights Violations in Latin America

Context of Assassination and Political Turmoil

• The assassination of Álvarez Martínez was claimed by the Popular Liberation Forces Cinchoneros, a Marxist guerrilla group in Honduras, viewing it as "justice" for his past crimes during his rule.

• After being deposed from military command in 1984 due to perceived radicalization, Álvarez Martínez returned to Honduras shortly before his death following an exile in Miami.

Military Training and Human Rights Abuses

• Colombia has sent the most military personnel to the School of the Americas (SOA), with notable figures like General Rito Alejo del Río Rojas, who was convicted for human rights violations after training at SOA.

• Del Río Rojas was implicated in high-profile cases such as the murder of social leader Marino López and journalist Jaime Garzón, whose assassination shocked Colombia due to his popularity and advocacy for human rights.

Implications of SOA Training on Military Operations

• Investigations revealed that Del Río Rojas collaborated with paramilitary leader Carlos Castaño in planning Garzón's assassination, highlighting connections between military officials and paramilitary groups.

• Numerous SOA graduates have been linked to “false positives” scandals where civilians were killed and misrepresented as guerrillas by state forces.

Ideological Foundations of State Terrorism

• The SOA served not just as a training facility but also as a hub for ideological indoctrination that facilitated coordinated state terror across national borders.

• Operation Condor exemplified this transnational collaboration among Latin American dictatorships aimed at eliminating political opposition through intelligence sharing and extrajudicial killings.

Dehumanization Tactics Leading to Genocide

• McSherry’s analysis indicates that Operation Condor operated alongside U.S.-led inter-American military systems, viewed by U.S. security officials as legitimate anti-terror efforts.

• In Guatemala, high-ranking officers trained under SOA adopted a mindset that dehumanized indigenous populations, seeing them as legitimate military targets rather than citizens needing protection.

Socialization Processes within Military Training

• Anthropologist Lesley Gill argues that experiences at SOA indoctrinated ambitious Latin American officers into a binary worldview while promoting consumerism aligned with U.S. interests, effectively recruiting them into U.S. imperial agendas against drugs and subversion.

The Rise of SOA Watch and Its Impact

Origins of SOA Watch

• Public outrage grew into a significant movement, led by SOA Watch, founded in 1990 by Roy Bourgeois after the exposure of SOA graduates' involvement in the UCA massacre.

• Bourgeois served as a missionary priest in Bolivia from 1972 to 1977 during Hugo Banzer Suárez's dictatorship, which was marked by human rights abuses.

Personal Experiences and Activism

• Bourgeois faced arrest and expulsion for advocating for the poor, witnessing firsthand the regime's brutality against those who opposed it.

• His experience catalyzed his commitment to fight against the School of the Americas (SOA), aiming to change U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America driven by greed.

Excommunication and Recognition

• In 2008, Bourgeois was excommunicated for supporting women's ordination as priests; he refused to retract his stance despite Vatican pressure.

• He has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize alongside SOA Watch, highlighting his influence in peace activism.

Tactics and Growth of Protests

• SOA Watch's main tactic involved annual vigils at Fort Benning, Georgia, where they honored victims of SOA graduates through solemn processions.

• The vigil included reading names aloud with attendees responding "¡Presente!" to affirm that victims' memories endure.

Shift in Strategy and Continued Advocacy

• In 2016, SOA Watch shifted its focus to the U.S.-Mexico border while gaining support from public figures like Martin Sheen and Susan Sarandon.

• Persistent activism made "School of the Americas" a politically toxic term, leading Congress to consider defunding it due to mounting criticism.

Closure and Rebranding of SOA

• The School of the Americas officially closed in December 2000 but reopened under a new name (WHINSEC), maintaining similar operations just weeks later.

• Critics argue this rebranding was not genuine reform but rather a strategic move to mitigate backlash while supporters claim substantial changes were implemented.

Claims of Reform at WHINSEC

• WHINSEC operates under Department of Defense oversight with civilian visitor boards; its curriculum includes mandatory human rights training as part of its mission shift from Cold War tactics.

WHINSEC: A Controversial Legacy

The Justification of WHINSEC's Existence

• Colonel Gilberto Pérez, former commander of WHINSEC, argues that blaming the school for crimes committed years later by its graduates is illogical. He emphasizes that critics focus solely on negative outcomes while ignoring positive contributions.

• Proponents assert that WHINSEC plays a crucial role in U.S. security, adapting its mission from Cold War anti-communism to current challenges like drug trafficking and countering China and Russia's influence.

Criticism of WHINSEC's Curriculum Changes

• Critics, led by SOA Watch, claim that changes made in 2001 are superficial, coining the phrase "different name, same shame." They argue the core mission remains combat training rather than genuine human rights education.

• The limited eight hours dedicated to human rights instruction is seen as insignificant compared to a 47-week Command and General Staff College course or intensive combat training. Bourgeois highlights that it still functions primarily as a combat school.

Ongoing Concerns About Training Outcomes

• Noam Chomsky suggests the rebranding was merely a public relations effort without altering the school's fundamental purpose. He notes that despite claims of introducing human rights courses, WHINSEC continues to serve U.S. hegemonic interests.

• The involvement of WHINSEC graduates in destabilizing events—such as the 2009 coup in Honduras—raises questions about whether new training methods have truly changed outcomes.

Transparency Issues Surrounding Graduate Records

• Critics point out ongoing issues with transparency regarding graduate identities; after SOA Watch identified known human rights violators among alumni, the Pentagon ceased publishing names due to privacy concerns.

• Since 2004 under George W. Bush’s administration, there has been resistance from the Department of Defense to disclose student identities, which critics argue undermines accountability and oversight efforts by organizations like Amnesty International.

Historical Context and Current Statistics

• The number of graduates since WHINSEC's inception is estimated between 88,000 and 92,000; some sources suggest it may exceed 100,000 by 2025. This figure reflects an increase beyond previously reported numbers from earlier periods.

• Challenges remain in determining how many graduates have engaged in criminal activities due to institutional secrecy surrounding records; notable figures like Videla are often cited without confirmed attendance at courses.

• A documentary titled 'Hidden in Plain Sight' indicates over 600 out of approximately 60,000 known graduates have violated human rights; at least twelve became dictators—a statistic highlighting serious implications for WHINSEC’s legacy.

The Legacy of the School of the Americas and Its Impact on Latin America

Human Rights Violations Linked to Military Training

• The UN Truth Commission for El Salvador identified 69 Salvadoran military personnel involved in severe human rights violations, with 48 being graduates of the School of the Americas (SOA) .

• In the specific case of the Jesuit massacre at UCA in 1989, it was found that 19 out of 27 implicated military members were SOA alumni, raising concerns about their training methods .

• A UN report concluded that two-thirds of Salvadoran officers convicted for atrocities had received training at SOA, highlighting a troubling pattern in military education and its consequences on human rights .

Shift in Political Sentiment Against SOA/WHINSEC

• The rebranding from SOA to WHINSEC in 2001 failed to alleviate skepticism among many Latin American nations as leftist governments rose to power throughout the region during the 2000s .

• New governments, shaped by painful memories of military dictatorships, resisted sending soldiers to an institution associated with repression and violence against civilians .

• Several Latin American countries formally withdrew or ceased sending personnel to WHINSEC due to its controversial history and role in promoting state-sponsored violence .

Geopolitical Changes and Regional Responses

• Venezuela led a significant withdrawal from WHINSEC in 2004, followed by Argentina and Uruguay in 2006; Bolivia joined in 2008 while Ecuador and Nicaragua did so in 2012 .

• Leaders like Ecuador's Rafael Correa condemned WHINSEC as a "school of darkness for Latin America," reflecting broader regional discontent with U.S. influence over security policies .

• This collective rejection marked a notable geopolitical shift away from U.S.-led paternalistic security models towards more autonomous regional frameworks .

Emergence of Alternative Institutions

• The backlash against WHINSEC spurred initiatives like the South American Defense School under UNASUR, designed explicitly to differ from SOA's approach by focusing on peace rather than warfare .

• Despite its noble intentions articulated by then-secretary general Ernesto Samper, both UNASUR and its defense school are currently inactive due to lack of consensus among member states .

Current Participation Trends at WHINSEC

• As per recent reports from WHINSEC and the U.S. Army, countries still sending personnel for training include Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Dominican Republic, Uruguay, and Colombia between 2023 and 2024 .

• While some nations like Argentina have maintained their withdrawal status since earlier boycotts; others such as Ecuador or Uruguay have sporadically resumed participation based on shifting political climates .

Broader Implications on U.S.-Latin America Relations

• The ongoing controversy surrounding WHINSEC transcends mere military education; it encapsulates larger struggles regarding U.S.-Latin America relations characterized by historical prioritization of security through military proxies versus demands for accountability and mutual respect [].